Politische Theorien des 19. Jahrhunderts. II. Liberalismus,

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Das ist beim Parlament selbst nicht anders. Alles, was wir derzeit erleben, spricht dagegen.

Was ist Nationalismus? I musstewissen kompakt

Er kann Milliarden in die Wirtschaft pumpen, und davon hatte er bis vor kurzem mehr als jeder andere global economic player. Warum ist der Neoliberalismus nicht tot? Wenn der Staat nicht mehr die Wahl hat zwischen Zuckerbrot und Peitsche, muss er zahlen. Er ist erpressbar geworden. Die Regierung konnte auch gar nicht anderes mehr tun. Oder doch? Zum Europa-Syndrom des Verfassungsgerichts vgl. Anmerkungen zum zweiten Urteil des tschechischen Verfassungsgerichtshofs zum Vertrag von Lissabon vom 3.

Zur sozialstaatlichen Bedeutung der politischen Verfassung: Pablo Holmes, Verfassungsevolution in der Weltgesellschaft. Karen J. In: "International Organization", , S. Eine institutionentheoretische Rekonstruktion, Baden-Baden Hauke Brunkhorst, Legitimationskrisen. The course will be divided into three main parts. The first part of the course will focus on the predecessors of postcolonial and decolonial thinking and discuss the works of theorists such as C. The second part of the course will focus on the postcolonial interventions in the field of international relations. Concepts such as the international, the state, modernity and security will be debated with respect to how Eurocentric experiences are implicated in their constructions and how postcolonial and decolonial interventions help us in rethinking the boundaries of these concepts.

Demokratie in der europäischen Krise

The third part of the course will focus on the discussions surrounding non-Western IR and decolonizing the discipline. The main questions to be addressed within this course are: how can international relations and concepts related to it can be rethought, is it possible to go beyond Western- centrism, how can we locate the postcolonial in the international, how can postcolonial interventions aid us in rethinking world politics? The contemporary politics of the Middle East, characterized by wars, revolutions, intervention of foreign powers, humanitarian crises, rivalry and conflicts between states across religious, ideological and political lines, and the proliferation of various terrorist groups such as the Islamic State dominates the daily news.

This course introduces the political, economic and cultural history of the Middle East in order to enable the student to understand and analyze the contemporary politics of this geostrategically significant region of the world where developments and changes have global political repercussions as they affect in various ways the politics of states and societies in other parts of the world. As the aim of this course is to enable students to understand and analyze the contemporary politics of the Middle East, this course is in terms of the topics that it addresses broad in scope.

The course first starts with a reflection on what constitutes the Middle East, how it has been studied and how the way in which some scholars, but certainly journalists, policy-makers and think tank pundits have approached and studied the Middle East has resulted in simplistic analysis and narratives. Following this reflection and understanding, the following topics and dimensions of the politics of the Middle East are covered in this course: the history of the emergence of Middle Eastern states, nationalism and nation-building, the political economy of the Middle East, the relationship between religion and politics, the wars and conflicts in the Middle East, the various political systems of Middle Eastern states, the prospects for democratization in the region, the role of women and ethnic minorities in politics, and finally contemporary salient developments in the region.

Since this course has an introductory character, it does not assume that students have background knowledge about the politics of the Middle East. Consequently, theories as analytical explanatory frameworks for the analysis of global political and economic events occupy a central position in the study of international relations. In recent decades scholars have argued in the discipline of IR that its theories are Eurocentric and privilege Western concepts, ideas and practices through which the unequal relationship of power between the West and the non-West is not only further reinforced, but that these theories also fail as analytical tools to explain the different empirical conditions and realities in other parts of the world.

This course explores these issues. Part one of the course first focuses on the problem at hand that has been identified by a number of scholars.


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It then proceeds to explore the calls that have been made for non-Western IRT and the strategies that have been proposed for its inclusion and development. Part two of the course explores the possibilities for the development and inclusion of non-Western IRT and the problems that are fraught in such an endeavor.

The thoughts and works of philosophers have affected and continue to affect to a great degree theoretical, empirical, sociological and historical scholarship and research in International Relations IR. Scholars and students alike in IR often encounter in their studies of questions of war, peace, power, culture, language, time, and governance, the thoughts of various philosophers, such as Thucydides, Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant, Smith, Bentham, Mill, Gramsci, Nietzsche, Arendt, Wittgenstein, and so on.

This course explores the thought and works of three twentieth century philosophers who greatly affected the theoretical paradigm of post-structuralism in IR. IR scholars that were inspired by their works and thoughts triggered in the early s the third great debate in the field, whose effects continue to reverberate as it changed the landscape of the discipline of IR into one that is not only more critical and reflexive, but also plural and normative. This course introduces the thoughts of these philosophers to students and seeks to familiarize them with the concepts that Heidegger, Foucault and Derrida developed.

Next to reading the works of these philosophers, the course also reflects on how the thoughts of Heidegger, Foucault and Derrida can be employed in the study of questions such as war, peace, power, culture, language, time, and governance in IR. This course is suitable for students that are interested in philosophy and do not shy away from reading hefty philosophical treatises.

The requirements for entry in this course is the successful completion of the courses International Relations 1 and 2. Jahrhunderts bis zur Gegenwart. Dadurch sollen neue Entwicklungen und Themen identifiziert werden, die sich innerhalb der IB herauskristallisieren.

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Kessler mit U. Es wird in der ersten Sitzung festgelegt. Jahrhundert verstehen wollen Emergenz internationaler Rechtsnormen. Jahrhunderts in Politik und Wissenschaft kontrovers entfaltete Diskursive Formierung internationaler Rechtsnormen.

Andreas Hess | University College Dublin - ytohazoh.gq

Kessler , C. Another important aspect in the liberal argumentation is the political culture of a country. That this peaceful behaviour is first of all visible towards other democratic states has for Russet a simple reason [6] : Democratic governments are not able to identify that non-democracies have the same restrictions using violence.

Because of that there is a deep distrust towards non-democracies. The security dilemma works out here for the worst.

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The democratic country feels that it is necessary to be prepared against a strike of a non-democratic state. In some cases the democratic country may think that is necessary to strike pre-emptively against a non-democratic state. The chance that their citizens would accept such a war are low, the chance that if the government initiates a war against an other democratic state that the citizens will loose their confidence to their leaders is high.

For a liberal explanation of the DPP there is the evidence that democracies are less war prone to each other. But they are also less war prone against states with a different political system, as you would expect from the international average. For instance the field democracy and the management of international disputes, which uses a more dyadic approach.

Dixon [8] and McLaughlin Mitchell both presented essays [9] , which examined this issue. Dixons concludes: Compared to the international averagedemocracies tend to solve their conflicts with the help of third party dispute resolutions. McLaughlin argues in a similar way: her empirical analysis and concludes that the measured coefficient represents the impact of the proportion of democracies in the system on the probability of third party dispute settlement for democratic dyads.

The coefficient for non-democratic dyad is negative. The coefficient for the interaction term is positive and significant as expected. The results supports her theoretical hypothesis that if the proportion of democracies increases, the probability of third party settlement increases for all dyads.

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The most important correlation: Non-democratic states are more likely to behave like democratic states, and adopt democratic norms, as the democratic proportion increases. It seems that non-democratic states are more likely to mimic behaviour characteristic of democratic interaction, such as the use of third party dispute solutions, as the proportion of democratic states in the system grows. The author ends with the proposal to examine in future works the evolution of other democratic norms.

For instance the propensity for nations to uphold the international agreements that they sign. For liberals this is a crucial argument for a domestic cause of the DPP.